Monday, July 20, 2020

EKSISTENSI MASYARAKAT ADAT SAAT COVID 19





Pembatasan sosial berskala besar (PSBB) mungkin cocok dengan mencontoh kehidupan masyarakat Adat. Saat saya berada di Desa Sinar Resmi, masuk keluar orang dari desa tersebut terpantau dengan baik. Bahkan mereka yang berkunjung ke desa tersebut mendapatkan tempat tersendiri dalam pemantauan pimpinan desa. 


Mungkin itulah sebabnya, penyebaran Covid 19 tidak begitu terdengar melanda daerah masyarakat adat yang tertata dengan baik dengan aturan adat yang dipatuhi masyarakat desa. Berbeda dengan penerapan PSBB di Provinsi DKI Jakarta yang sarat pelanggaran.


Masyarakat adat melekat dengan agamanya, berarti juga melekat dengan aturan yang ditaati masyarakat sebagai standar hidup bersama. Ketaatan pada aturan adat menjadikan toleransi dalam msyarakat adat tertata dengan baik. Berdasarkan hal tersebut maka menghormati masyarakat dalam daerah urban saat ini berarti juga menghormati agama dan kepercayaan masyarakat adat. Eksistensi masyarakat adat perlu tetap diproteksi dalam masyarakat urban. Karena menjaga eksistensi masyarakat adat adalah merawat nilai-nilai toleransi yang secara bersamaan juga merawat NKRI.

 

Marthin Luther dengan tegas mengatakan, “di dalam hati nuraninya manusia adalah raja, tidak boleh ada orang lain yang menjadi raja atas sesamanya. Kebebasan memilih agama dan kepercayaan adalah hak dari Tuhan, karena suara nurani adalah suara Tuhan, meski tidak mutlak, mengingat keterbatasan manusia. Kebebasan hati nurani menjadi hak asasi yang paling mendasar. Dasar bagi kebebasan beragama dan kebebasan berbicara. Sebagaimana tertuang dalam deklarasi universal hak-hak asasi manusia(DUHAM).

 

Kebebasan hati nurani merupakan kunci kehidupan yang harmonis dalam masyarakat. Tanpa kebebasan hati nurani tidak mungkin tercipta ruang publik yang sehat yang mensyaratkan kerelaan setiap anggota masyarakat untuk saling memberi dan menerima terhadap sesamanya. Negara yang sehat tentu saja memerlukan ruang publik yang sehat, yang tampak dari adanya warga bangsa yang memiliki kerelaan untuk membantu sesama warganya. Dan itu bisa diwujudkan di negeri ini jika Kepercayaan diposisikan setara dengan agama-agama resmi. 



Menegasikan masyarakat adat, penganut agama suku, aliran kepercayaan yang menjadi identitas masyarakat adat, serta menjadikan mereka warga kelas dua di negeri ini, sama saja dengan menghianati perjuangan kemerdekaan indonesia yang dilakukan oleh segenap rakyat Indonesia, termasuk didalamnya adalah masyarakat adat, mereka yang menganut agama suku dan aliran kepercayaan. Karena itu, kolonialisasi terhadap agama suku dan aliran kepercayaan tidak boleh terjadi di negeri toleran ini.

 

Dr. Binsar Antoni Hutabarat

https://www.joyinmyworld.com/2020/07/eksistensi-masyarakat-adat-saat-covid-19.html


Friday, July 17, 2020

Pancasila Anugerah untuk Bangsa Indonesia


 

Lahirnya NKRI merupakan suatu mujizat yang luar biasa. Sebagai negara yang paling terpecah-pecah di bumi ini mustahil untuk dapat mempersatukannya. Indonesia memiliki ribuan buah pulau. Belum lagi kemajemukan agama, budaya dan bahasa. 

Dari segi budaya dan bahasa Indonesia adalah negara yang paling majemuk di dunia. Indonesia memiliki 250 bahasa dan kira-kira 30 kelompok etnis. Wajarlah apabila terjadinya proses penyatuan dari pulau-pulau yang sangat terserak dan memiliki agama, budaya, dan bahasa yang sangat bergama, dianggap sebagai suatu mujijat. Dan Pancasila dalam hal ini adalah alat pemersatunya. Secara historis Pancasila mampu memenuhi tuntutan persatuan untuk melawan kolonialisme tanpa melenyapkan keanekaragaman yang bersemayam lama di negeri ini.

Pancasila bisa disebut sebagai fitrah bangsa karena tanpa Pancasila negeri ini sulit untuk dipersatukan. Itu juga terlihat dalam penetapan Pancasila sebagai dasar ideologi negara yang sudah final dan tidak tergantikan. Pancasila ada dalam sanubarinya masyarakat Indonesia. Perdebatan tentang Pancasila lebih kepada persoalan implementasinya dan bukan persoalan konseptual.

 

Adalah wajar jika di tengah kemajemukan yang tinggi dan juga kebebasan yang relatif baru, di era reformasi ini , munculnya banyak ketegangan dan konflik-konflik antar kelompok dengan pandangan-pandangan yang berbeda. Namun di tengah keperbedaan-keperbedaan yang ada itu Pancasila sebagai filosofi bangsa yang merupakan dasar hidup bersama  perlu terus digali untuk menjawab permasalahan-permasalahan sosial yang ada, bukan malah mengabaikannya.

 

Soekarno mengatakan bahwa Pancasila bukanlah ide baru, tapi digali dari bumi Indonesia dan merupakan kristalisasi dari nilai-nilai yang berkembang dalam kehidupan rakyat Indonesia yang beraneka ragam.  Karena itu Pancasila merupakan dasar filosofis yang masih perlu terus digali seiring dengan perkembangan terbaru saat ini untuk menghadapi permasalahan-permasalahan relevan saat ini. Pengamalan Pancasila dalam hal ini harus mengarah pada dialog terus menerus mengenai bermacam-macam bentuk pengamalan sila-sila Pancasila mengenai masalah-masalah yang dihadapi secara bersama oleh semua kelompok di dalam masyarakat. Dan Pusat Pendidikan Pancasila dan Konstitusi dalam hal ini memiliki peran strategis untuk mewujudkan hal tersebut.

 

Terciptanya komunalisme agama dan budaya yang menghambat lahirnya masyarakat Pancasila juga sangat dipengaruhi oleh sikap pemerintah. Pemerintahan yang tidak adil menyebabkan terjadinya diskriminasi suku budaya dan agama. Pembangunan yang tidak merata, membuat Indonesia menjadi beragam dalam kehidupan sosial ekonomi. Akibatnya pertumbuhan suku, budaya dan agama yang pada awalnya merupakan perlawanan terhadap sikap pemerintah yang tidak adil, kemudian mengarah pada konflik antar kelompok yang ada.

Pendidikan Pancasila memiliki fungsi strategis jika pemerintah memiliki komitmen yang kuat untuk berpegang pada Pancasila, dan mengimplementasikan nilai-nilai Pancasila tersebut dalam menjalankan roda pemerintahan di negeri ini. 

 Binsar Antoni Hutabarat

 https://www.joyinmyworld.com/2020/07/pancasila-anugerah-untuk-bangsa.html

Thursday, June 11, 2020

The UNITY OF THE CHURCH



Learn more about Corel WordPerfect Office The Unity of the Church
Luder G. Whitlock, Jr.

As Jesus neared the completion of his earthly ministry and redemptive mission, He prayed for the strength to finish the task, knowing that it necessitated His crucifixion. He also prayed that, as a result of His atoning sacrifice, believers might become one as He and the Father are one (John 17:21). This petition, particularly at this time, conspicuously signaled the priority which He wanted to place upon unity within the community of faith, for which He would die on the cross. His people cannot afford to neglect it or treat it lightly. If that Trinitarian unity revealed in the Scriptures is to serve as a model for church unity as Jesus prayed, then any attempt to understand or achieve unity among believers must necessarily begin with the doctrine of God.

The Triune God
The Bible clearly reveals the existence of the one true God as Father, Son, and Holy Spirit (Matt. 28:19, II Cor. 13:14, et al). God is one yet God is also three. There is unity and diversity. This triunity enables us to comprehend the significance of human relationships as well as the value of diversity.

Because God exists in three persons¾Father, Son, and Holy Spirit¾He is just as much relational as He is sovereign or holy. The triune God has eternally existed in an intimate, harmonious relationship. The Trinity is in actuality a triunity of intimate understanding and seamless functioning as the persons of the Godhead relate perfectly to one another. There is no evidence to the contrary in Scripture. The perfection of God is revealed in His unity.

In addition, the nature and functions of the Trinity reveal diversity, for the Father, Son, and the Holy Spirit exist as distinct and different persons with different functions. Moreover, God is aptly characterized by various distinct attributes such as holiness, goodness, wisdom, and justice.

When God created Adam and Eve in His image, He created them as relational beings. In this respect, they were doubtlessly like Him (Gen. 2:18). Though their subsequent sin marred His creative work, introducing alienation and misery into human existence, nevertheless, according to His redemptive design, He is remaking His own into His image. Therefore, we should expect to encounter unity among believers through the fellowship of the Holy Spirit, just as we expect to experience unity within marriage and the family. Separation and divorce do not fit, but rather are signs of spiritual deficiency.

The Apostle Paul explained to the Ephesians that the church is pivotal in God’s plan to glorify Himself in human history. That is why the Lord draws to Himself a people as a community of faith, transforming them into His likeness so that the whole world may be exposed to His handiwork. As His goodness and other attributes are reflected in them, He is glorified.

Unity as an expression of grace and redemption becomes a major motif in Ephesians. God’s grace breaks down the barriers that separate us from Him and one another (Eph. 2:11-3:6). The mystery of the gospel is the blending of Jews and Gentiles into one new body through the work of Christ (Eph. 3:2-6). This new unity in Christ replaces a former enmity, and transcends the unity that is found in the three basic institutions of society: family, church, and state (Eph 2:19-22). So, not only does grace overcome estrangement and alienation, it creates a higher, stronger sense of identity and unity than the usual human experiences of oneness, such as family.

Paul relentlessly hammers home this point through an unmistakable repetition of ones: “There is one body and one Spirit, just as you were called to one hope when you were called¾one Lord, one faith, one baptism; one God and Father of all, who is over our all and through all and in all” (Eph. 4:4-6, italics added).

Therefore, he urges them to “make every effort to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace” (Eph. 4:3). Paul’s argument is straightforward. God has rescued you from the hostilities and divisions of this sinful world to shape you into one new community¾the church. Now, he insists, as the one church of the one Lord, you are obligated to demonstrate that fundamental oneness of God through a common consistent expression of unity among yourselves.

Nor, in his opinion, should diversity be considered an impediment to achieving unity, as Paul notes when he observes the difference in giftedness (Eph. 4:7-12). Elsewhere, he similarly notes the diversity or variety of gifts among believers (Rom. 12:4-8, I Cor. 12:4). Though it could, Paul insists that diversity should not mitigate against the realization of unity among believers. Rather, “as each part does its work” (Eph 4:16), the result should be a complementary and harmonious blending of gifts and efforts that propels the body of believers toward “unity in the faith” as an expression of spiritual maturity (Eph. 4:13,15). This experience of unity should stimulate euphoria and lead to a higher, richer grasp of the reciprocal fellowship that occurs under the headship of Christ. The synergistic benefits are apparent and add greater motivation to keep the unity of the Spirit.

While divisions such as those at Corinth obviously troubled the church, the diversity of gifts and other differences among believers were not to be construed as a means to justify the lack of unity (I Cor. 1:10-17, 3:1-23). Paul clearly argues the opposite. His letter to the Corinthians criticized their divisions and divisive attitudes, urging that there be “no divisions” or contentiousness, penetratingly asking, “Is Christ divided?” (I Cor. 1:10-17). Dissensions need healing to restore unity.

In addition to this, the New Testament acknowledges only one church, though it recognizes many congregations. There were congregations in many cities and there were multiple house churches, yet it is apparent from Paul’s letters that there is only one church, whether the church at Phillipi, Antioch, Corinth, Thessalonica, or elsewhere. These congregations are part of the one and only one church planned and brought into existence by God.

Edmund Clowney, with his observations regarding the Temple, has summarized the matter succinctly:

The abiding presence of the Spirit joins the church together into one. There is but one holy temple of the Lord, one body of Christ where the Spirit dwells. The Spirit binds the church together in the unity of a common life. In Paul’s letters this unity is applied especially to the joining together of Jews and Gentiles (Eph 2:11-22). In the power of the Spirit, the church went from Jerusalem to Judea, Samaria and the ends of the earth…. The temple of God was no longer local, on the Judean hillside, but universal, wherever the saints gathered to join in heaven’s praise.[1]

Consider the Jerusalem Council as an example of how this understanding found expression among multiple congregations in various locations. The leaders gathered in Jerusalem to pray and discuss matters of difference (Acts 15:1, 2). Once they reached a conclusion, they immediately set out to communicate their decision to all the churches, expecting their compliance (Acts 15:22-35). Unless all of these congregations considered themselves to belong to one church, why should there have been this concern to resolve their disagreements and seek conformity of belief and practice? So we may properly conclude that, in spite of the problems and tensions that existed in the church from the beginning, there was a sense that the church was one community of faith. There may have been vigorous disagreement regarding who was right or wrong, who belonged and who did not, but there was general agreement in acknowledging only one church of which Jesus was Lord. The strong inner coherence is unmistakable. It was, as Jesus said, “one flock with one shepherd” (John 10:16).

Inevitably, we are led to conclude that there are essentially two kinds of people¾Christians and non-Christians¾insofar as a relationship to God is concerned. In addition, all Christians belong to the one true church that has existed through all the centuries and will eventually gather around the throne of God in heaven. Belonging to that church is a matter of faith in Christ, not one’s level of spiritual maturity or doctrinal discernment. All those who genuinely trust in Christ belong to His church.

There will always be varying degrees of spiritual maturity and discernment because people are converted at different times and they develop at different rates. These levels of maturity, combined with a variety of gifts and different contextual influences, will always produce a colorful diversity. That diversity can easily spawn misunderstanding and tensions that may then escalate into anger, hostility, and division if not dealt with. The fragmentation of the church through the centuries is illustrative of this point, for the church has never achieved more than an imperfect experience of its unity. But it may also be argued that its many conflicts were matched by endless efforts to restore unity. Although Protestant churches of the Western World have proliferated into a vast number, augmented by para-church ministries and independent congregations, this does not lessen the reality that there is one and only one church and that it has a responsibility to express in this world the unity of the triune God.

Perceived Impediments to Unity
There are today, as there were for the Reformers, a myriad of impediments to the quest for unity among believers, or so it seems. A few are listed below, but more comprehensive descriptions are readily available.[2]

Physical Factors: In the first place, there are obvious physical limitations, such as geography and buildings, to any organizational expressions of unity. It is impossible for believers in India to worship together with believers from South America on any regular basis for geographical reasons. The same might be said for believers in different cities. Geographic space separates. Buildings can pose similar problems because of their size, as well as for other reasons. But size alone may restrict the number of people who can gather together for worship at any one time. Some large congregations have multiple worship services, and the people who become attached to certain services and groups usually find themselves disconnected from the rest of the membership who worship or meet at other times. Can you imagine trying to accommodate everyone in Atlanta in one local building? It simply will not work, even if everyone is cooperative.

Disagreements: Whether they relate to theology, worship, politics, or something else, disagreements are another major hurdle. Some Christians love traditional worship services with traditional music. They may dislike contemporary worship services and prefer to change churches rather than change the kind of worship service that is such an important part of their faith experience. And, as is well known in evangelical circles, holding the “wrong” doctrine can quickly bring neglect or ostracism from those who consider that doctrine to be unacceptable. The ordination of women and charismatic gifts are two examples of issues that tend to divide.

Pluralism: In the United States, it has been relatively easy for individuals and congregations to resolve their disagreements through division. In most instances, the biggest burden on the separating party is primarily that of generating sufficient resources to make the transition, including the construction of new buildings to accommodate the worship and ministry of the new group. But the fluid nature of the American scene gives people the opportunity to move around as they desire, starting new ministries or joining different ones, so that proliferation and fragmentation are seemingly inevitable. Combine this with the inability of almost every congregation to enforce discipline on an individual, because that person chooses another church that is happy to accept him or her. It is true that the ability of some denominations to claim or seize property and retirement funds has been a deterrent in some instances, but it has not prevented movement. That is apparent. Consider the development of Presbyterian and reformed denominations during the last two centuries in spite of several major mergers.

Competition: Another impediment to fuller expressions of unity is the stark reality of competition. The roots of this competition are entwined in the conscious decision of the founders of this nation to disestablish religion, creating an opportunity for all churches and religious organizations to flourish and function according to their ability and God’s provision. This permitted people to identify, support, and participate in causes important to them. Individuals had freedom to choose whatever appealed most to them, and that is exactly what they have done, creating a huge number and variety of evangelical organizations. The consequence of this freewheeling pluralism, as has been aptly noted by Nathan Hatch, is that American evangelicalism has evolved, “like a supermarket, a consumer-oriented, highly fragmented, religious marketplace.” Evangelicals are, in his estimation, “entrepreneurial, decentralized, and given to splitting, forming and reforming.”[3]

Size and growth are most often viewed as the major indices to success, so the pressure is on churches to grow. If growth becomes a major priority then what must churches do in order to grow? The three usual methods are evangelism, transfer, and birthing children. Few evangelical churches are growing through evangelism or births, rather by attracting people from other churches. If their usual growth pattern is primarily by transfer, even after discounting geographic movement, you have the likelihood of a very competitive environment with adverse effects. When congregations become self-centered, overwhelmingly concerned to build and perpetuate their own operations without regard for others, they may also breed mistrust and estrangement.

Ecumenism: In addition, advocacy of unity and ecumenism are usually identified with liberal theology and mainline denominations, so evangelicals react negatively to these concepts lest they be seen as compromising their commitment to the historic Christian faith for which they have sacrificed so much. The last thing most evangelicals want is to adopt or even be similar to the thinking or agenda of liberal Christianity. Yet such knee-jerk reactions allow others to set the agenda rather than evangelicals doing what they should do, self-consciously responding to the priorities of Scripture. Something similar occurred when evangelicals, reacting to the Social Gospel, abandoned ministries of mercy and compassion early in the Twentieth Century. What will be required in order for reformed evangelicals to shake this negative mindset and move forward positively with the quest for unity? John Murray has quite eloquently stated the need to address this matter.

It is to be admitted that the fragmentation and lack of coordination and solidarity which we find within strictly evangelical and Reformed Churches create a difficult situation, and how this disunity is to be remedied “in the unity of the Spirit and the bond of peace” is a task not easily accomplished. But what needs to be indicated, and indicated with vehemence, is the complacency so widespread and the failure to be aware that this is an evil, dishonoring to Christ, destructive of the edification defined by the apostles as “the increase of the body into the building up of itself in love” (Eph. 4:16), and prejudicial to the evangelistic outreach to the world. If we are once convinced of this evil, the evil of schism in the body of Christ, the evil of disruption in the communion of saints, then we have made great progress. We shall then be constrained to preach the evil, to bring conviction to the hearts of others also, to implore God’s grace and wisdom in remedying the evil, and to devise ways and means of healing these ruptures, to the promotion of united witness to the faith of Jesus and the whole counsel of God.[4]

Seeking the Unity of the Spirit
How shall Christians implement their responsibility to seek the unity of the Spirit? That is a major concern of this article and it should be of great importance to all believers. Yet to agree that it should be pursued is far easier than achieving it. Anyone who has taken this responsibility seriously quickly realizes that, for as soon as you begin, you encounter obstacles. The reformed tradition is replete with examples, beginning with the Reformation.

It has been asserted that one of the deepest convictions of the Reformers was the certainty that they were perpetuating the Catholic church that Rome had betrayed.[5] The Calvin scholar T.H.L. Parker argues that unity is consistently at the very heart of Calvin’s doctrine of the church.[6] Calvin expressed his desire to experience this unity in such a way that the “the union between all Christ’s churches upon earth were such that the angels in heaven might join in their song of praise.”[7]

Many other leaders of the Reformation, including Bucer, Cramner, and Bullinger, held a similar concern regarding the unity of the church. They were always for unity, but never at the expense of the gospel. And, it should be noted, by centering on faith and the authority of Scripture rather than organizational alignment and compliance to ecclesiastical authority, they captured the true catholicity and unity of the church.

In spite of all the good the Reformers accomplished and the many benefits of the Reformation, one of the tragic failures, with lasting consequences, was that of a divided Protestantism. Though they did not achieve it, they sought to realize a unified Protestantism.

There are attitudes and actions that are appropriate for reformed evangelicals who wish to contribute to a greater realization of the unity of the church. Praying for one another and helping one another as needs arise is certainly a good place to begin. Why restrict our prayers to the few who are close to us or with whom we have the strongest identity? Why shouldn’t we be praying for all Christians and offering to help them when they need it (Gal. 6:10)?

Then there is good reason to support, appreciate, and encourage other Christians. A kind word or thoughtful encouragement when offered in a sensitive and timely manner may do much to build stronger relationships and trust. There is also ample justification for fellow believers to discuss issues of common interest and agreement in order to learn from one another. Such discussions could also be helpful in leading to collaboration or cooperation on projects of mutual interest. Significant achievements can become the product of united efforts, but the deepening of relationships and understanding easily become the more important byproducts of such cooperative efforts. Without experiences of this nature, it is difficult for bonding to occur.

Should reformed evangelicals be willing to enter into serious and sustained discussions of differences with other believers for the purpose of deepening understanding, resolving disagreements, and promoting unity? Certainly, if they are believers. If love and trust mark the relationships then there is good reason to humbly, respectfully, and hopefully engage in such dialogue. Although it seems natural and is appropriate to defend one’s own position and challenge those that are different, honest discussion and disagreement can lead to deeper understanding and commitment¾perhaps even agreement. Most of us have, on occasion, determined at a later date that we were wrong about certain positions we so staunchly maintained at an earlier period. Because that is true of most of us, it is worth asking, what does an unwillingness to enter sincerely, prayerfully, and humbly into such discussions reveal about us? When there is a history to the differences, emotions usually escalate and so do defense mechanisms. Egos and political interests too easily influence our actions on such matters far more than we are prepared to acknowledge. This is to be expected. But it doesn’t preclude discussion and genuine change.

What about organizational unity? Should we aggressively pursue it? As noted above, that does not appeal to many evangelicals who generally have a different set of priorities. But it may be time for reformed evangelicals to confess that they have too often been overly reactive in regard to differences, perhaps cultivating and harboring negative sentiments. Given the experiences of the last 200 years, especially the aftermath of the Fundamentalist-Modernist Controversy, this is understandable but not desirable. Maturation of leadership should bring opportunities to move beyond a preoccupation with defending the faith to a constructive, creative approach to developing a reformed evangelical influence, including an emphasis on unity.

Organizational unity, in addition to affirmation and cooperation, is a legitimate concern and justifies a more aggressive pursuit of unity. The process may require a candid acknowledgement of the influence of the American culture on the excessive proliferation and fragmentation of the church, as well as fresh engagement with Biblical expectations. Yet there is an opportunity to rise above the failure of our reformed predecessors, including Reformation leaders, and to achieve a new level of unity, including organizational unity, if there is a willingness to rethink and reprioritize.

Schism and Sectarianism
Although there is general agreement that schism and sectarianism are sins, it is difficult to agree on when they occur. Yet it is apparent that once Protestants deemed separate churches or denominations necessary in order to perpetuate or preserve their faith, they eventually justified further division because of other disagreements, although those may not have been essential to the Christian faith or even the reformed faith. Distinctive doctrinal positions or polity issues were considered a sufficient reason for separation, but were they adequate justification for division? Disagreement is one thing; division is another, far more serious matter. Yet denominational sectarianism seldom takes catholicity and unity seriously.[8] There is always a rationale and the rationale minimizes the importance of unity.

Calvin took a rather severe attitude toward divisions. He did not hesitate to assert that, “Those who disrupt the body of Christ and split its unity into schisms are quite excluded from the hope of salvation, so long as they remain in dissidence of this kind.”[9] As far as he was concerned, and notwithstanding the trauma and conflict of the Reformation, schism was repugnant and believers should do everything possible to avoid it, including its assessment of doctrinal matters, as long as the doctrine on which the church is founded would still be held with integrity. As he wrote in The Institutes (IV.1.12), “Does this not sufficiently indicate that a difference of opinion over these nonessential matters should in no wise be the basis of schism among Christians? … But I say we must not thoughtlessly forsake the church because of our petty dissensions.”[10]

In many instances when fragmentation was the result of fundamental disagreements and substantial error or abuse, the consequent bruises and scars engendered a lingering suspicious or critical spirit among evangelicals who were on guard to avoid a repetition of the huge losses they experienced through the Fundamentalist-Modernist Controversy during the early part of the Twentieth Century. Without vigilance, it was apparent to them that the work of a lifetime could vanish. While it became necessary for them to separate from unbelief, the consequences were more formidable and enduring than they had expected.

In some instances, evangelicals disagreed among themselves regarding how to deal with those who held untenable beliefs. One consequence of this was double separation, or the separation by evangelicals from other evangelicals who would not separate from those with whom there was profound disagreement. A critical, judgmental spirit frequently emerged from these experiences and characterized the parties that were involved.[11] Suspicion, in such circumstances, can quickly flare up into full-blown controversies with charges and countercharges, as was the case with the recent Evangelicals and Catholics Together statements. Lasting estrangement often has been the outcome, further dividing the evangelical community itself.

While there is good reason to be vigilant regarding orthodoxy, especially given the many historical examples of doctrinal declension and apostasy, there is no justification for a mean-spirited, carping criticism of fellow believers. Reformed evangelicals must find a more constructive method of dealing with problems or disagreements among themselves. Paul warned that, “If you keep on biting and devouring each other, watch out or you will be destroyed by each other” (Gal. 5:15). In many instances, the energy spent defending criticisms and divisions has bred a sectarian spirit, hardening our attitude toward those who are different, moving us to minimize commonalities and magnify differences. As Clowney notes, “the sectarian spirit that Paul decried at Corinth… has shattered the unity of Christ’s body throughout the history of the church.”[12]

Conclusion
In the aftermath of the Reformation, it has become apparent that it is necessary to protect as well as proclaim the gospel. While believers are justified in separating from those who deny the gospel and refuse to place themselves under the authority of God’s Word, it should be equally apparent that the divided church of the modern period is a tragic expression of human sinfulness and that greater priority should be given to realizing the oneness for which Jesus prayed. Reformed evangelicals need to emphasize the importance of acknowledging and expressing the unity of believers in Christ. The time has come for repentance, healing, and fresh unitive initiatives.

[1]Edmund P. Clowney, The Church (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1995), 53.
[2] John Frame, Evangelicals and Reunion: Denominations and the One Body of Christ (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1991), 28, 124.
[3] Nathan D. Hatch, “Evangelicals in the New Millenium,” unpublished paper, 5.
[4] John Murray, The Collected Writings of John Murray (Edinburgh: The Banner of Truth Trust, 1977), Vol. 2, 335.
[5] John T. McNeil, Unitive Protestantism (Richmond: John Knox Press, 1964), 63.
[6] T.H.L. Parker, Portrait of Calvin (London: SCM Press, nd), 122.
[7] Idem.
[8] Clowney, op. cit., 97.
[9] J.K.S. Reid, ed., Calvin: Theological Treatises (Library of Christian Classics, Vol XXII, London: SCM Press), 256.
[10] John T. McNeil, ed., Calvin: Institutes of the Christian Religion, translated by Ford Lewis Battles (Library of Christian Classics, Vol. XXI, Philadelphia: The Westminster Press), 1026 (IV.1.12).
[11] Francis A. Schaeffer, The Church Before the Watching World (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 1971), 76-79.
[12] Clowney, op. cit., 81.

Indonesia: Communal Tensions in Papua

Thursday, July 3, 2008

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Learn more about Corel WordPerfect Office Indonesia: Communal Tensions in Papua
Asia Report N°154 16 June 2008





EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Indonesian Papua has seen periodic clashes between pro-independence supporters and goverment forces, but conflict between Muslim and Christian communities could also erupt unless rising tensions are effectively managed. Violence was narrowly averted in Mano­kwari and Kaimana in West Papua province in 2007, but bitterness remains on both sides. The key fac­tors are continuing Muslim migration from elsewhere in Indonesia; the emergence of new, exclusivist groups in both religious communities that have hardened the perception of the other as enemy; the lasting impact of the Maluku conflict; and the impact of developments outside Papua. National and local officials need to ensure that no discriminatory local regulations are enacted, and no activities by exclusivist religious organisations are supported by government funds.
The Manokwari drama, played out over more than two years, illustrates some of the changes. It started in 2005, when Christians mobilised to prevent an Islamic centre and mosque from being built on the place where German missionaries brought Christianity to Papua in the mid-nineteenth century. Muslim anger went beyond Papua; many Indonesian Muslims, newly conscious of the history of Muslim traders in the area, saw Islam as Papua’s original religion and found the rejection of the mosque intolerable. Local church leaders, seeing the reaction, believed they needed to strengthen Manokwari’s Christian identity and in 2007 drafted a regulation for the local parliament that would have infused the local goverment with Christian values and symbols and discriminated against Muslims in the process. It was never enacted but generated a furore in Muslim communities across Indonesia and increased the sense of siege on both sides. It remains to be seen how a new draft that began to be circulated in late May 2008 will be greeted.
It is not just in Manokwari, however, that the communities feel themselves under threat. Many indigenous Christians feel they are being slowly but surely swamped by Muslim migrants at a time when the central government seems to be supportive of more conservative Islamic orthodoxy, while some migrants believe they face discrimination if not expulsion in a democratic system where Christians can exercise “tyranny of the majority”. The communal divide is overlain by a political one: many Christian Papuans believe autonomy has not gone nearly far enough, while many Muslim migrants see it as a disaster and are fervent supporters of centralised rule from Jakarta.
In some areas latent tensions have been kept under control by pairing a Papuan Christian district head with a non-Papuan Muslim deputy, with political and economic spoils divided accordingly. That may work in areas like Merauke, where the migrant population has already exceeded 50 per cent, but is not a solution where the majority feels itself under threat.
Where the risk of conflict is high, indigenous Papuan Muslims, largely concentrated in the Bird’s Head region of north western Papua, can play a bridging role, particularly through a new organisation, Majelis Muslim Papua. This organisation is both firmly committed to universal Islamic values and deeply rooted in Papuan culture and traditions. They have a demonstrated capacity to cool communal tensions, working with their Christian counterparts. But the indigenous Muslim community is being divided, too, as more and more have opportunties to study Islam outside Papua and come home with ideas that are at odds with traditional practices. It would be in the interests of all concerned to support a network of state Islamic institutes in Papua that could produce a corps of indigenous religious scholars and reinforce the moderation long characteristic of Papuan Muslims.
Several mechanisms are available for dialogue among religious leaders in Papua, including the working group on religion of the Papuan People’s Council (Maje­lis Rakyat Papua, MRP), a body set up to preserve Papuan rights and traditions, but they do not necessarily have any impact at the grassroots. More effective might be programs designed to identify com­munal hotspots and work out non-religious programs that could benefit both communities.
RECOMMENDATIONS:
To the Central Government:
1. Avoid supporting faith-based activities with an overtly political agenda, so as not to exacerbate existing problems, and instruct the armed forces and police to ensure that Papua-based personnel are not seen as taking communal sides.
2. Identify new approches to addressing communal tensions at the grassroots level, going beyond the often ineffectual promotion of interfaith dialogue among elites.
3. Work with the provincial governments to support the State Islamic Institute (STAIN) in Jayapura and facilitate close links with the State Islamic University (UIN) in Jakarta to ensure that Papua develops its own indigenous scholars and teachers able to interpret universal Islamic values in ways that are in harmony rather than conflict with customary traditions.
To Local Governments:
4. Ensure that government funding of or contributions to religious activities are transparent and independently audited, with amounts and recipients easily available on websites or in public documents.
5. Avoid funding any groups that preach exclusivity or enmity toward other faiths.
6. Ensure public debate on the percentage of jobs for Papuans and the impact on further in-migration of non-Papuans before agreeing to any further administrative division.
7. Reject discriminatory local regulations.
8. Work with donors to identify areas of high tension where conflict might be defused by non-religious projects involving cooperation for mutual benefit across communities.
To Donors:
9. Support conflict-resolution training for Papua-based organisations, including the Majelis Muslim Papua and the religious working group of the Papua People’s Council (Majelis Rakyat Papua, MRP).
Jakarta/Brussels, 16 June 2008

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Papua: The Dangers of Shutting Down Dialogue
Asia Briefing N°47 23 March 2006
To access this briefing in Indonessian, please click here.
OVERVIEW
There is serious risk the long-awaited Papuan People's Council (Majelis Rakyat Papua, MRP) is about to collapse, only five months after it was established, ending hopes that it could ease tensions between Papuans and the central government. The MRP was designed as the centrepiece of the autonomy package granted the country’s easternmost province in 2001. Almost as soon as it came into being, however, it was faced with two major crises – stalled talks over the legal status of West Irian Jaya, the province carved out of Papua in 2003, and violence sparked by protests over the giant Freeport mine – while Jakarta marginalised its mediation attempts. To revive genuine dialogue and salvage the institution before autonomy is perhaps fatally damaged, President Yudhoyono should meet the MRP in Papua, thus acknowledging its importance, while the MRP should move beyond non-negotiable demands and offer realistic policy options to make autonomy work.
Papuan leaders had envisaged the MRP as a representative body of indigenous leaders that would protect Papuan culture and values in the face of large-scale migration from elsewhere in Indonesia and exploitation of Papua’s natural resources. Jakarta-based politicians saw it as a vehicle for Papuan nationalism and deliberately diluted its powers, then delayed its birth. By the time it emerged, the province had been divided into two, many Papuans were disillusioned with autonomy and some were already questioning how the MRP could function under such circumstances.
The MRP’s authority remains uncertain. If it can manoeuvre its way through these two crises, it may yet be able to take on other outstanding grievances and become what Papua has always lacked, a genuinely representative dialogue partner with Jakarta. If it fails, not only will its own legitimacy be diminished, but local resentment against the central government will almost certainly increase.
The signs are not good. As negotiations between the MRP and the central government were underway to resolve the disputed legal status of West Irian Jaya (Irian Jaya Barat, IJB), Jakarta suddenly authorised gubernatorial elections there, cementing its status as a separate province outside autonomy. The MRP, despite its hard-line rhetoric, had begun to show signs of willingness to compromise, but rather than reciprocate, the central government sidelined it. The MRP is now grappling with whether continued negotiations are possible, and if not, whether it should disband. But with large local turnout in the West Irian Jaya elections, and the local support that implies for the province, the bigger question is whether the MRP is still a relevant actor.
Meanwhile, student-led demonstrations in Papua and by Papuan students in Java and Sulawesi demanding closure of the Freeport mine in Timika and the withdrawal of military forces there, which had been escalating since late February, culminated in a violent clash in Abepura on 16 March, in which four police and an air force officer were killed and several civilians seriously injured. The subsequent police sweeps have been heavy handed, and the atmosphere remains tense. The MRP's attempts to engage the central government on this issue were quickly brushed aside.
Successful MRP mediation of these tensions is becoming more crucial as the chances of it happening become more remote. The MRP has not made its own case any easier but it is now up to the central government to bring it back on board. If sufficient trust can be reestablished to resume dialogue, a compromise on West Irian Jaya is still possible, building on the baseline consensus reached by the central government and top Papuan provincial leaders in late November 2005. The essence of that agreement was that Papua would remain a single economic, social, and cultural entity, regardless of the administrative division. That is, there would be a single MRP, and the autonomy funds from the central government and revenues raised in each province from resource exploitation – from the gold and copper of the Freeport mine in Papua and from the BP natural gas project in West Irian Jaya – would be shared by both.
Since the elections, the MRP’s bargaining position has been further weakened, but it is critically important now to reach a compromise on the issue – not just in the interests of resolving two crises, but to make the MRP a functioning institution. Failure to bolster the MRP would almost certainly deal a fatal blow to an autonomy package in which many Papuans are already losing faith. Given the current volatility in Papua, it is in everyone’s interests to make sure this does not happen.
Jakarta/Brussels, 23 March 2006

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Thursday, June 12, 2008

Absurditas Pelupaan Fakta Masa Lampau


Ras, Kesetaraan, Manusia, Keanekaragaman


Bisakah kita menatap masa depan dengan mengabaikan masa lalu? Bisakah kita membuat prediksi tentang masa depan dan kemudian membuat proyeksinya dengan memejamkan mata kita dari masa lalu? Bisakah kita memahami mengapa kita ada saat ini tanpa penjelasan masa lalu? 

Mei 1998 untuk Indonesia dikenang sebagai bulan yang penuh dengan kerusuhan. Di Jakarta dan diberbagai daerah lainnya meletus kerusuhan yang bukan hanya menelan korban materi yang sangat besar, tapi juga nyawa manusia. Empat mahasisiwa tewas ditembak saat berunjuk rasa, dan esoknya, 13-15 Mei, terjadi pembakaran, perusakan dan penjarahan pada toko-toko, pusat perbelanjaan, sampai kedaerah pemukiman. Bahkan terindikasi telah terjadi tindak pemerkosaan yang amat brutal dan tak berprikemanusian. 

Kerugian yang pasti sulit untuk ditebak. Jumlah korban manusia hingga kini masih simpang siur. Apalagi dengan hilangnya berkas hasil penyelidikan kerusuhan Mei 1998, dokumen asli hasil kerja Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta (TGPF). Kerusuhan Mei yang adalah fakta itu pun berubah menjadi misteri, yang diselimuti awan pekat, dan barang siapa berusaha menguaknya, tembok tebal yang amat kuat itu menjadi penghalangnya. 

Disamping peristiwa kelam, Bulan Mei 1998 juga dikenang sebagai bulan kehancuran rezim absolutis yang telah berkuasa selama 32 tahun, dan secara bersamaan menjadi kelahiran era reformasi, suatu kemenangan perjuangan kemurnian hati mahasiswa Indonesia yang tak kenal pamrih. Hari pendidikan nasional juga jatuh pada bulan ini, peristiwa penting yang memengaruhi sejarah pejuangan Indonesia yang diabadikan sebagai hari kebangkitan nasional juga ditorehkan pada bulan ini. Artinya, bulan Mei bagi Indonesia sesungguhnya bukan hanya bercerita tentang kepahitan, tetapi juga peristiwa-peristiwa penting yang menghantarkan rakyat Indonesia pada kebahagiaan. 

Pertanyaannya sekarang, bolehkah kita melupakan tragedi Mei yang bercerita tentang kepahitan itu, dan membiarkan fakta yang kelam itu bermethamorphosa menjadi misteri, dan hanya mengingat hal-hal yang baik-baik saja? Apakah pelupaan itu tidak akan berdampak pada jalannya reformasi yang kini makin tak menentu? Bahkan oleh beberapa orang reformasi telah di vonis gagal. 

Absurditas pelupaan fakta Lengsernya Soeharto pada tanggal 21 Mei 1998, tidak bisa dilepaskan dengan kondisi kekacauan yang terjadi pada bulan Mei dan guncangan ekonomi terburuk dalam 30 tahun terakhir, yang kemudian menjadi tonggak kemenangan pejuang reformasi. Karena itu menguak misteri kerusuhan Mei akan membuat sejarah reformasi negeri ini terang bederang. Apalagi setelah genap 10 tahun reformasi ternyata makin kehilangan gairahnya. 

Semangat reformasi memang tak kan pernah mati, tapi pelaku nya tak lagi bisa melihat masa depan reformasi, dan itulah yang membuat reformasi menjadi kelimpungan. Pada realitasnya, Kondisi kesejahteraan kebanyakan rakyat Indonesia selama sepuluh tahun reformasi kian hari makin terpuruk.

Makin rendahnya daya beli masyarakat seiring tingginya lonjakan harga kebutuhan pokok yang tak terkendali, mahalnya harga energi, meningkatnya angka pengangguran dan kemiskinan adalah bukti dari keterpurukan itu. Itulah yang diekspresikan dalam demo tanggal 12 Mei 2008 yang bertemakan, rakyat menggugat. Belum lagi benturan yang terjadi antar anggota masyarakat yang melibatkan pemerintah dalam konflik suku, agama, ras dan antar golongan (SARA). 

Bangsa ini tampaknya bingung tentang realitas masa kini karena tak lagi memahami masa lalunya, dan itu terlihat dalam pemerintahan yang seakan tak memiliki visi untuk membawa bangsa ini keluar dari kesulitannya, khususnya ditengah ancaman krisis global babak kedua saat ini. 

Slogan-slogan usaha mensejahterakan rakyat sebagaimana tema seabad kebangkitan nasional memang masih terus diperdengarkan, namun tanpa arah yang pasti, apalagi untuk membuat suatu proyeksi sahih, semuanya jadi serba ilusi yang tak rasional, membuat rakyat makin bingung melangkah kemasa depan. Akibatnya, realitas sebagai bangsa yang satupun semakin mendapat ancaman. 

Kebutuhan kebenaran masa lalu. Suatu prediksi yang jelas dan terukur hanya bisa lahir jika ada pengetahuan akan masa lalu, karena tanpa pengetahuan masa lalu, tak ada pemahaman yang utuh tentang masa kini. Keutuhan pengetahuan masa lalu dan pengetahuan masa kini adalah syarat yang harus ada untuk membuat suatu perdiksi ke depan atau visi. 

Kegagalan menguak realitas masa lalu, akan membuat masa depan hanyalah ilusi, dan tak mungkin menghasilkan proyeksi yang jelas, dan tanpa proyeksi yang jelas perjalanan seperti meraba-raba, penuh ketidak pastian. Itulah sebabnya mengapa mengungkap kebenaran masa lalu menjadi suatu keharusan, bukan hanya untuk memuaskan keadilan yang tentu saja amat penting, tetapi juga agar tragedi masa lalu tak terulang kembali. 

Pengetahuan masa lalu akan melahirkan pertimbangan cerdas untuk tidak mengulangi kegagalan. Karena itu, bagaimanapun sulitnya untuk mendapatkan bukti-bukti yang mengungkapkan realitas masa lalu tidak boleh dijadikan alasan untuk melupakan masa lalu yang yang coba ditutupi. 

Mereka yang menjadi korban, atau keluarga-keluarga korban kerusuhan Mei tentu paham mengapa mereka memerlukannya, tanpa kejelasan peristiwa masa lalu, bagi mereka, masa depan tak layak untuk dijalani bersama. Karena itu kontradiksi tentang perlu tidaknya menguak kebenaran peristiwa Mei sebenarnya tak perlu terjadi, apalagi dengan tujuan melupakan dosa masa lalu. 

Kejahatan yang disembunyikan akan merasa aman, dan akan muncul lebih ganas lagi pada masa datang. Tragedi tak akan berhenti dengan menyembunyikan kejahatan masa lalu, dan perdamaian sejati tak akan pernah hadir dengan menjadikan diri kita lupa ingatan, karena menyembunyikan kejahatan adalah tanda tak adanya rasa saling percaya. Itulah sebabnya ada konflik, karena tanpa kepercayaan tak mungkin kita berkomunikasi dengan tulus, apalagi kerja sama harmonis.

Harus diakui, menguak kebenaran bukan soal mudah, dan itu membutuhkan perjuangan keras. Namun, semua kesulitan untuk mengungkap kebenaran tidak boleh menjadi pembenaran untuk melupakannya. Negeri ini tak akan pernah punya visi tentang masa depan tanpa kejujuran mengungkapkan masa lalu, dan kebingungan akan terus berlanjut tanpa penjelasan masa lalu. Semoga saja kita mau jujur terhadap masa lalu, meski menyakitkan, karena dengan cara itulah kedamaian dapat dihadirkan, dan membuat kita bisa bersatu, sampai selamanya. 

 Binsar Antoni Hutabarat 

Monday, February 18, 2008

Stop Tayangan Iklan Rokok




Kemewahan iklan rokok yang mengundang daya pikat dengan penampilan kejantanan perokok menghadirkan suatu kontradiksi.

 Rokok yang tak ada manfaatnya itu dikemas menjadi sesuatu yang bermanfaat, salah satunya adalah pemberi kejantanan, dan kenikmatan hidup dengan beragam variasi. 

 Bintang iklan rokok yang umumnya pria gagah perkasa serta wanita-wanita yang begitu aduhai, dengan daya pikat kemewahan hidup dalam berbagai pencapaian keberhasilannya, seperti Obsesi sutradara yang dikaitkan dengan kenikmatan rokok Star Mild, pengendara motor yang menampilkan keperkasaannya yang direlasikan dengan rokok Gudang garam merah, juga dengan kehadiran wanita cantiknya yang berpakaian merah, keakraban gaya sampurna Hijau dll, begitu lekat dengan remaja dan anak-anak. 

 Kita tentu paham, mengapa keengganan untuk tidak merokok tak pernah surut, bukan hanya pada mereka yang telah dewasa, juga mereka yang masih remaja, bahkan, anak-anak usia sekolah dasar pun kini telah banyak yang mengakrapi rokok, dan tingkat pertumbuhannya pun amat spektakuler. 

Berdasarkan Sensus Sosial Nasional tahun 2004, perokok aktif dari kelompok usia 13-15 tahun mencapai 26, 8 persen, dan usia 5-9 tahun terdata 1,8 persen. 

Pada periode 2001-2004, jumlah perokok aktif usia 5-9 tahun meningkat hingga 400 persen. 

 Kemanapun kita pergi di pelosok negeri ini, sulit untuk menemukan daerah bebas rokok, ironisnya, bukan hanya iklan rokok ditelevisi yang mudah dijumpai, papan reklame rokok dalam ukuran yang besar tidak sulit ditemukan dipelosok negeri ini, bahkan didaerah-daerah miskin, tempat dijumpai anak-anak yang mengidap busung lapar, dan berbagai penyakit lainnya. 

 Pemerintah memang telah mengeluarkan larangan merokok di kantor-kantor, tempat-tempat tertentu, dengan menyediakan ruangan khusus untuk memanjakan perokok, tapi itu bukanlah kampanye anti rokok, karena tak ada larangan untuk merokok, yang ada hanyalah pemisahan tempat untuk perokok, ditempat itu perokok justru dimanjakan dengan fasilitas yang amat memadai. 

Rakyat makin resah. 

 Keresahan masyarakat terhadap lemahnya peran pemerintah dalam upaya membebaskan Indonesia dari rokok, khususnya anak-anak terlihat pada ungkapan demo di Bundaran Hotel Indonesia, senin (4/2) pada spanduk yang bertuliskan, “Bebaskan Kami dari Asap Rokok”. Bertepatan dengan Hari Kanker Sedunia, karena asap rokok memicu kanker payu dara dan kanker mulut rahim.  

Keresahan itu juga terlihat lebih jelas pada penyampaian petisi dan peringatan keras kepada para anggota dewan agar tidak merokok oleh ratusan pelajar sekolah dasar di gedung DPR Senayan Jakarta, senin 4 Maret 2008, sekaligus merupakan bukti bahwa pemerintah belum serius berusaha untuk perang terhadap bahaya merokok, itu terlihat jelas pada isi tuntutan para siswa yang diorganisir Yayasan Kanker Indonesia Dewi Huges yang menyerahkan sepuluh poin anti rokok kepada DPR yang isinya antara lain, pemimpin negara harus menjadi teladan rakyat untuk tidak merokok, menjauhkan rokok dari anak-anak, mengeluarkan undang-undang larangan merokok dan menegakkan peraturan secara tegas. 

 Antara menulis, 51,67 % responden usia 13-15 tahun kadang mendapati orang lain merokok dirumah mereka saat mereka sedang di rumah. 

Rakyat akan lebih resah jika tahu, 100 % asap rokok yang dihasilkan seorang perokok, 25 persen masuk kedalam tubuh sang perokok, sedangkan 75 persen sisanya dihirup oleh orang-orang sekitarnya. 

Bahaya merokok bukan hanya berakibat buruk bagi perokok, tetapi juga orang-orang yang tidak merokok. 

 Perlu Keseriusan Belum bebasnya gedung DPR dari ancaman asap rokok juga merupakan bukti kurangnya keseriusan pemerintah. 

Bahkan, dalam iklan prilaku hidup bebas dan sehat (PHBS) yang menghadirkan menteri kesehatan sebagai bintang iklan juga tidak memasukkan bebas dari rokok sebagai salah satu kiat hidup sehat, meski iklan ini menuai kritik, tetap saja belum ada niat untuk memperbaikinya. 

 Tidak seriusnya pemerintah juga terlihat dari keengganan untuk meratifikasi kerangka kerja konvensi mengenai pengendalian tembakau (Frame Work Convention on Tobacco Control/FCTC), padahal sejak Mei tahun 2003, FCTC itu telah disetujui 192 negara anggota Organisasi Kesehatan Dunia (WHO) untuk melindungi masyarakat dari kerusakan kesehatan, sosial, lingkungan dan konsekwensi ekonomi akibat konsumsi tembakau serta paparan terhadap asap tembakau, dan kini FCTC telah menjadi hukum internasional yang telah diratifikasi oleh 137 negara, dan Indonesia satu-satunya negara di Asia yang belum menandatanganinya. 

Padahal Indonesia adalah negara penyumbang perokok terbesar di Asean yakni 57,563 juta orang, atau 46,16 persen dari jumlah perokok di Asean 124, 691 juta orang., dan Asean menyumbangkan 20% jumlah orang yang mati karena rokok, dari jumlah 5 juta orang yang mati di dunia karena rokok tiap tahunnya. 

 Tuntutan para siswa itu tepat sekali, bagaimana mungkin dari gedung itu akan keluar peraturan-peraturan yang cerdas untuk melindungi anak Indonesia terbebas dari asap rokok jika mereka sendiri akrab dengan rokok. 

Apalagi, jika para anggota dewan yang terhormat itu sendiri belum mampu melindungi anak mereka dari bahaya asap rokok, seperti ada begitu banyak orang tua di negeri ini yang tak peduli dengan bahaya yang akan diderita oleh anak mereka dari kebiasaan merokok di dalam rumah. 

 Apabila para anggota Dewan itu telah mampu menciptakan gedung DPR bebas dari asap rokok, serta melindungi keluarga mereka yang tidak merokok, khususnya anak-anak, barulah dapat diharapkan dari gedung itu keluar aturan yang cerdas dan berisi keadilan, jadi wajarlah jika para siswa itu mengingatkan anggota dewan. 

 Stop Iklan Rokok 

 Salah satu ujian penting keseriusan pemerintah adalah apakah pemerintah berkeinginan untuk mengeluarkan larangan terhadap iklan rokok yang adalah alat ampuh untuk menarik perokok baru, seperti yang dilakukan oleh negara-negara yang meratifikasi FCTC. 

Iklan rokok di televisi itu hanya ada di Indonesia dan Nigeria. Wajar saja, karena bagaimana mungkin kita mengijinkan penayangan iklan yang menawarkan produk yang tak memiliki manfaat apapun, itu adalah suatu anomali. 

 Pemerintah tidak hanya cukup memerintahkan perusahaan rokok untuk mencantumkan peringatan bahaya kesehatan merokok, karena terbukti tidak efektif dalam mengurangi jumlah perokok, apalagi perusahaan rokok ternyata mampu membuat iklan yang menawarkan kenikmatan merokok dengan berbagai cara serta menawarkan hasil yang akan didapat dari merokok, untuk mengalihkan perokok dari ketakutan terhadap bahaya akibat merokok. 

Pengemasan iklan rokok yang menarik dengan menampilkan bintang-bintang idola ini juga telah membuat remaja dan anak-anak menyukainya, dan tentunya tergoda untuk mencoba-coba merokok, padahal itu sesungguhnya hanyalah suatu manipulasi yang menghadirkan kontradiksi dalam iklan rokok.

 Rokok yang sangat berbahaya dijadikan sesuatu yang amat berguna, menarik, bahkan mustahil untuk dilepaskan. Iklan rokok kini mendominasi siaran-siaran dengan rating tinggi, keuntungan yang besar dari industri rokok menurut laporan majalah Forbes telah menempatkan tiga pengusaha rokok dalam daftar orang terkaya di Indonesia, jadi tidaklah mengherankan jika mereka dapat mendominasi iklan dengan keuntungannya yang besar. 

Dominasi iklan rokok tentu saja akan menghasilkan perokok-perokok baru, remaja dan anak-anak adalah kelompok yang paling rentan. 

Karena itu larangan iklan rokok merupakan langkah yang perlu diambil untuk membebaskan anak-anak dari rokok, serta memutus mata rantai pemimpin, figur bintang iklan rokok yang tak dapat diteladani. 

Ungkapan Aris Merdeka Sirait, sekretaris Jendral Komisi Nasional Perlindungan Anak perlu direnungkan, “Pemerintah yang membebaskan iklan rokok berarti ikut membunuh anak-anak.” 

Binsar A.Hutabarat

“Perda Tibum dan upaya menyembunyikan kemiskinan”



                  KLIK DISINI
Tidak lama lagi Jakarta akan menjadi kota yang tertib, aman dan bersih, setidaknya itulah mimpi wakil-wakil rakyat yang menggolkan revisi Peraturan Daerah (Perda) Nomor 11 tahun 1988 tentang ketertiban umum (Tibum). Mimpi indah itu sah-sah saja, apalagi Jakarta adalah pintu gerbang Indonesia, yang secara otomatis akan mengharumkan nama Indonesia. 

 Tapi, apa jadinya jika yang terjadi hanyalah suatu upaya untuk menyembunyikan kemiskinan, tentu saja cepat atau lambat ledakan orang miskin yang disembunyikan atau terpaksa bersembunyi sambil menahan lapar karena takut ditangkap petugas itu tentu akan menimbulkan masalah besar karena akhirnya mereka akan cenderung tergoda untuk melakukan tindak kejahatan demi memenuhi tuntutan kampung tengah mereka yang terus menjerit minta diisi. 

Ini tentu saja akan menambah runyamnya pengelolaan Jakarta yang makin tidak aman, dan dijauhi oleh turis asing karena hadirnya “travel warning” dari berbagai negara. 

 Kita tentu tahu, banyaknya pengangguran adalah karena peluang kerja yang tak mengalami pertambahan berarti sedang angkatan kerja terus bertambah tiap tahunnya, belum lagi yang diakibatkan oleh bencana alam yang datang bertubi-tubi di negeri ini. 

Banjirnya Jakarta dengan para pengemis lebih-lebih menjelang lebaran, tidak lain karena didaearah asal mereka tak ada kemungkinan untuk mendapatkan uang karena tidak meratanya pembangunan, dan kota-kota besar, khususnya Jakarta menjadi harapan utama mereka, akibatnya, segala usaha keras menjaga keamanan pastilah tak banyak gunanya, tingkat kejahatan yang naik drastis menjelang lebaran adalah bukti nyata yang biasa kita jumpai. 

 Perut yang lapar itu akan lebih senang memilih tinggal dalam penjara dibandingkan menahan sakit berkepanjangan, dan penjara yang sering kali gagal menjadi lembaga pemasyarakatan, tentu akan menambah panjang deret pelaku kejahatan dengan keahlian yang mencengangkan, karena penjara, kini, bisa jadi tempat menambah pengetahuan dan keahlian melakukan tindak kejahatan, apalagi, saat ini saja kondisi penjara Jakarta sudah terlalu padat, apa jadinya jika terjadi ledakan narapidana baru, sulit untuk membayangkannya. 

 Implementasi Perda Tibum memang baru akan dilaksanakan tiga bulan mendatang, bisa jadi itu juga telah dirancang terkait prediksi akan membludaknya rombongan pengemis ke Jakarta menjelang lebaran seperti biasanya tahun-tahun yang lampau, semua tentu tahu menetapkan perda Tibum pada saat menjelang lebaran memiliki risiko yang besar. 

Namun, dari pada tergesa-gesa merealisasikan Perda Tibum tersebut, pemerintah sebaiknya perlu memikirkan ulang, apakah penggunaan otoritas dalam menetapkan perda tersebut terkait usaha untuk mensejahterakan rakyat semata, dan apakah kewajiban pemerintah untuk memberikan pekerjaan yang layak bagi rakyat sesuai dengan konstitusi telah dikerjakan dengan baik? 

Usaha menyembunyikan orang miskin tidak akan efektif dibandingkan upaya untuk mengentaskan kemiskinan. 

 Arti kemiskinan 

 Amartya Zen dalam bukunya “ Development of Freedom “ mejelaskan, Kemiskinan adalah sama dengan “ depreviation of basic capabilities “ yaitu kehilangan kemampuan dasar untuk memproduksi sesuatu. 

Seseorang menjadi miskin karena tidak lagi mempunyai kemampuan melakukan sesuatu yang dapat mengahasilkan nilai tertentu. Itulah yang menyebabkan kaum urban di Jakarta tak mampu bersaing untuk merebut peluang kerja yang terbatas. 

 Jadi, pada hakikatnya kemiskinan tidak boleh hanya dilihat sebagai “ pendapatan paling rendah,”( the lowness income) “ dalam sebuah keluarga atau individu, sebaliknya pendapatan yang rendah adalah akibat dari kehilangan kemampuan seseorang untuk memproduksikan sesuatu(a person’s capability deprivation).

 “Kemiskinan dan capabilities” adalah dua hal yang saling berhubungan , merupakan sebab akibat . Kemiskinan dapat diidentifikasikan dalam hal “ kehilangan kemampuan” untuk produktif, sehingga mengakibatkan rendahnya kemampuan untuk menghasilkan nilai intrinsik ( uang). 

 Tidak adanya kemampuan untuk mendapatkan uang inilah yang menyebabkan mereka menjadi pengemis, pengamen, polisi lalu lintas tak berseragam, dan juga pedagang-pedagang di lampu-lampu merah, atau tempat-tempat terlarang. 

Tuntutan untuk hidup membuat mereka nekat melakukan segala hal yang mungkin mereka anggap halal (bukan mencuri), meski harus menahan malu, karena pekerjaan tersebut biasanya juga tak dapat dibanggakan. 

 Hilangnya kemampuan seseorang yang membuat mereka tidak produktif dan miskin, dikarenakan pendidikan yang sangat rendah, tidak memadai dilihat dari segi globalisasi dunia, itu karena pemerintah belum memberikan budget yang memadai untuk menopang pendidikan, karena itu sudah semestinya pemerintah lebih berkonsentrasi untuk memenuhi tanggung jawabnya mengurangi kemiskinan, dibandingkan menambah jumlah aparat keamanan untuk menangkapi “orang miskin”. 

 Belum lagi jika kita berbicara tentang kesehatan, standar kesehatan yang tak memadai membuat seseorang tak mampu maksimal memberdayakan potensi yang ada, anak-anak yang menderita giji buruk, dan tentunya tidak mempunyai kemampuan untuk produktif, masih belum mampu diatasi pemerintah. 

 Lebih parah lagi, mereka yang hidup dalam kondisi miskin, menganggur, umumnya memiliki anak lebih banyak karena tak mampu mengontrol kelahiran. 

Demikian juga, tidak adanya land reform yang jelas, membuat banyak petani di desa tak memiliki tanah pertanian, apalagi dengan berkurangnya lahan pertanian, tempat mereka mencari nafkah pun makin terbatas terpaksalah mereka menjadi urban di kota-kota besar dengan pendidikan yang minim. 

 Terus bertambahnya pendatang-pendatang baru ke Jakarta, dengan pendidikan yang rendah, terkait dengan kegagalan pemerintah untuk meningkatkan kesejahteraan rakyat, karena itu kemiskinan tidak boleh semata-mata dianggap dosa individu, tetapi juga dosa bangsa ini, dan harus menjadi keprihatinan bersama. 

Jangan hanya disembunyikan

 Bung Hatta, founding father negeri ini pernah berujar, jika setelah lama merdeka kita masih menjumpai pengemis, anak-anak kecil meminta-minta dipinggir-pinggir jalan dan di lampu-lampu merah, itu berarti kita telah gagal mensejahterkan rakyat negeri ini. 

Pernyataan itu tidak dimaksudkan menjadi alat pengesahan untuk menyembunyikan orang miskin agar tak terlihat dalam pandangan umum dengan menangkapi mereka tanpa memberikan jalan keluar. 

Bung Hatta hanya ingin menegaskan, usaha mensejahterakan rakyat Indonesia, sebagaimana amanat konstitusi, harus menjadi tujuan utama pemimpin negeri ini dan juga semua rakyat Indonesia. 

 Karena itu, daripada berambisi merealisasikan Perda Tibum tersebut lebih baik pemerintah memfokuskan diri pada pemenuhan kewajiban pemerintah, dan membuka dialog pada rakyat miskin itu. 

Berdialog dengan rakyat miskin bagi orang-orang yang cerdik pandai mungkin sepertinya tak ada gunanya, karena itu tak menambah pengetahuan kita, tapi setidaknya kita memiliki wawasan yang lebih luas, yaitu mengerti pergulatan orang miskin, dan tidak akan merasa diri memiliki jawaban tunggal bagi usaha untuk mensejahterakan rakyat miskin.

 Binsar A. Hutabarat